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Резюме : As the first EU act specifically regulating the EU's CRM supply, the proposed initiative aims to address an area previously identified as one of the EU's strategic dependencies. Following a clear problem description, the IA presents three (partially overlapping) policy options and a thorough analysis of their possible impacts, with a clear focus on economic impacts. The identification of the preferred policy option appears justified. The predominantly qualitative assessment draws merely on desk research and stakeholder input. In this respect, the IA admits to having 'significant data gaps' and a 'limited' evidence base, owing in part to 'the lack of a supporting study'. With regard to stakeholder input, the IA does not explain why the public consultation was open for only 8 weeks (instead of the default 12). It is notable that the proposed regulation deviates somewhat in scope from the IA: it adds a further specific objective – namely to diversify CRM imports in order to reduce strategic dependencies – and provides for a few measures that were either not assessed at all in the IA, or which were outside the preferred policy option.

Автори : Irmgard ANGLMAYER

Резюме : The European Union (EU) has long paid significant diplomatic, financial and institutional attention to its relationship with the African Union (AU). Engagement between the two organisations has steadily risen in scope and complexity over recent years, reflecting the AU’s increasing role in African foreign and security policy matters. This study analyses the dynamics that shape African political integration as well as foreign and security cooperation, identifying areas of convergence and divergence in the various cooperation formats that link both unions. The EU remains the AU’s principal partner, notably in the domain of peace and security. However, the relationship has become more politicised, with differing perspectives on the war in Ukraine and the EU’s pursuit of flexible security arrangements in Africa. This study recommends that the EU adapt its funding arrangements, cooperation formats and multilateral engagement in its relationship with the AU to remain in tune with the pace and direction of political integration in Africa. In this effort, the European Parliament can add specific value through parliamentary diplomacy.

Автори : Frank MATTHEIS, Dimpho DELEGLISE, Ueli STAEGER

Резюме : This paper provides a snapshot of multilateral financial assistance provided to Ukraine since the start of the Russian invasion in February 2022 by the European Union and its bodies (European Investment Bank), international financial institutions (International Monetary Fund, World Bank Group, and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development) and informal groups of bilateral creditors (“The Group of Creditors of Ukraine”). The paper aims to increase understanding and support public scrutiny related to international financial assistance to Ukraine and will be updated with new elements regularly.

Автори : Drazen RAKIC, VASILEIOS PSARRAS

Резюме : With more and more disinformation campaigns targeting the EU and its institutions in recent years, Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations have also been subject to such attacks. While this analysis did not identify systematic disinformation campaigns against the EU CSDP missions and operations, it does not imply that the CSDP missions and operations are not on the radar of the malign actors creating and disseminating disinformation. In fact, their activities are occasionally used by malign actors to feed into their campaigns intended to undermine the EU and its allies, which constitute the main target of these campaigns.

Автори : Ofer FRIDMAN, Virginie BAUDAIS, Givi GIGITASHVILI

Резюме : The Taliban’s rapid seizure of power in August 2021 took the European Union (EU) by surprise. In response, the EU developed a ‘Basic Needs’ approach and now supports the United Nations’ initiatives to alleviate human suffering and support non-governmental organisations’ activity on the ground. This study asks how, with over 20 years of international action, the EU finds itself in this situation. Significantly, the EU was but one international actor supporting actions initiated by the United States of America (USA) after the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Yet the EU’s external action has now been recognised as having been inadequate and deeply flawed. Afghanistan may have been the largest recipient of EU development and humanitarian aid over the last two decades, but EU state-building exercises failed to account for the growing insecurity within Afghanistan and changes in the US strategy. The country should not have been treated as a ‘blank slate’ upon which a new modern state could be erected; nor should peacebuilding have been rejected because it involved negotiating with the Taliban. The EU did have successes during this time, including the establishment of a peace deal that held for some time. Yet, regrettably, the EU was too slow to recognise the impact of corruption, and it worked at cross-purposes with the USA’s shorter-term commitments.

Автори : Oz HASSAN

Резюме : This study assesses the EU Global Gateway strategy in terms of its strategic governance and implementation in its first year. To this end, the Global Gateway’s policy context, financial architecture and initial flagship projects were examined by means of a desk review and multi-stakeholder consultations. At the same time, a preliminary assessment was conducted using the criteria laid down by the Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for Economic Co operation and Development. The assessment results provide a mixed picture, especially regarding the implementation of the Global Gateway. Finally, a set of recommendations was compiled for the EU institutions, particularly the European Parliament, and the EU Member States with a view to enhancing the effectiveness, efficiency and impact of the Global Gateway and improving its democratic and budgetary oversight.

Автори : Carlos BUHIGAS SCHUBERT, Olivier COSTA

Резюме : This 'cost of non-Europe' report looks at the potential benefits of efficient, ambitious and united EU-level action in the space sector. The report finds that to enable the European space sector to benefit from open strategic autonomy, and to ensure EU access to and use of space, including for its security, the EU must act decisively. Moving away from fragmentation could bring large benefits, amounting to at least €140 billion per year by 2050.

Автори : ALEKSANDRA HEFLICH, JEROME LEON SAULNIER, CLEMENT THIERRY EVROUX

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : The resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute has been an issue of strategic and common interest for the European Union (EU) and the United States (USA), for which they have both sought to cooperate from the onset. The Middle East Peace Process (MEPP) was initiated through the 1991 Madrid Conference co-sponsored by the Soviet Union and the USA. However, the most recent developments, such as the clashes in Gaza and the acts of violence in the West Bank that began in the summer of 2022, demonstrate that despite the numerous initiatives of international actors, these efforts have failed to end the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land. This study recommends that the EU should realise that the current status quo is not sustainable, considering that this situation could be further eradicating its influence over the MEPP and the Israeli and Palestinian actions, as well as undermining its legitimacy on the global scene. Instead of focusing on creating a new standing EU-USA mechanism on the MEPP, the EU should take a new stance of acting more independently while remaining loyal to its principles and approach towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Автори : Daniel LEVY, Zaha HASSAN, Emmanuel COHEN-HADRIA and Katarzyna SIDŁO

Резюме : In December 2021, the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) launched an own-initiative procedure (2021/2230(INI)) on EU-Armenia relations and another on EU-Azerbaijan relations (2021/2231(INI)). The appointed rapporteurs are, respectively Željana Zovko (EPP, Croatia) and Andrey Kovatchev (EPP, Bulgaria). To accompany its scrutiny work, Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) requested the Ex-Post Evaluation Unit Ex-post Evaluation Unit of the Directorate for Impact Assessment and European Added Value, within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament, to prepare a European implementation assessment on the implementation of the EU's Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) with Azerbaijan.

Автори : HANNAH NAFIZE AHAMAD MADATALI, Talander Hugo JANSEN

Резюме : On 20 and 21 October 2022, EU Heads of State or Government will meet for a formal European Council dedicated to Ukraine, energy and the economy – three interlinked topics that have been permanently on the European Council agenda since Russia launched its war on Ukraine. EU leaders are expected to condemn Russia's further escalation of the conflict and recent attacks on civilians and infrastructure across Ukraine; condemn the sham referendums in four Ukrainian regions; consider the deepening food crisis; and explore ways to protect critical infrastructure after the Nord Stream pipelines sabotage. On energy, the European Council meeting is expected to agree on new strategic guidelines, with discussion on means of reducing gas prices, price-caps or alternative approaches – an issue on which Member States have diverging views – likely to be rather heated. EU leaders will also discuss climate change and biodiversity protection ahead of the main annual events on these topics led by the United Nations (UN). Moreover, leaders will hold a debate on China and prepare for the December 2022 summit between the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The European Council meeting will open with the traditional exchange of views with the European Parliament's President, Roberta Metsola.

Автори : Suzana Elena ANGHEL

Резюме : Momentum is building globally for the establishment of an International Anti-Corruption Court, which would have jurisdiction over acts of grand corruption and fill the domestic accountability vacuum in kleptocratic regimes. Before such an institution can become reality, though, a number of practical, political and legal concerns will have to be addressed, for instance in relation to state ratification and cooperation. Hence, this Briefing identifies key issues which the European Parliament should assess and consider when forming its position. However, irrespective of its support for an International Anti-Corruption Court, the European Parliament may also want to strengthen other mechanisms enhancing legal accountability, such as existing international courts or extraterritorial jurisdiction. It may also continue to promote more indirect tools for advancing the fight against impunity such as anti-corruption clauses in trade agreements, targeted sanctions, and global asset recovery.

Автори : Cedric RYNGAERT

Резюме : The EU-US Trade and Technology Council (TTC) was formally launched during the EU-US Summit in June 2021 to intensify transatlantic cooperation, expand bilateral trade and investment, and reinforce the parties' technological and industrial leadership. Another aim is to ensure that trade and technology serve society and economy while preserving shared values. The TTC has held two high-level political meetings, in September 2021 in Pittsburgh and in May 2022 in Paris-Saclay. These meetings steer cooperation within the TTC and guide its 10 working groups whose remit includes technology standards, secure supply chains, tech regulation, global trade challenges, climate and green technologies as well as investment screening and export controls. Since its launch, the TTC has created a community of experts and policy-makers from both sides of the Atlantic who now regularly work together. Joint work in areas such as standards, integrity of information, supply chains, green public procurement and addressing non-market practices has yielded the TTC's first successful steps. Moreover, Russia's war on Ukraine is thought to have strengthened both the transatlantic relationship as a whole and the TTC, which has played a key role in ensuring swift and coordinated roll-out of export controls. After the war broke out, the TTC started supporting coordinated economic action to counter Russia's autocratic attempts to also undermine the security of other nations. Yet, while the TTC has done well in areas related to war, some underline that it must deliver tangible results across all the work strands to increase its importance and impact. So far, the TTC has focused mostly on information-sharing, joint mapping, risk identification and exploring options for closer cooperation in the future. Its success may well depend on the degree of alignment the parties can achieve across the policy areas and on whether they can move from joint identification of issues to elaborating common responses and solutions to them. The European Parliament supports the establishment and work of the TTC, while calling for a more democratic scrutiny over it. The next TTC meeting will take place before the end of 2022 in the United States.

Автори : Marcin SZCZEPANSKI

Резюме : This document is a compilation of briefings that track the commitments made by the Vice-Presidents and Commissioners to the European Parliament – in their written answers to Parliament’s questions, at their hearings, and, in some cases, in subsequent appearances before Parliament’s committees. The document provides an overview of the state-of-play at the mid-term of the von der Leyen Commission. Since many of these commitments were made, major international crises have shifted some political priorities. The Vice-Presidents’ and Commissioners’ progress on their commitments should be considered in this context.

Резюме : This briefing follows up the commitments made by the High Representative / Vice President since 2019.

Резюме : This briefing follows up the commitments made by the commissioner since 2019.

Резюме : This analysis looks into the complex relationship between two trends in international governance: an increase in multilateral arrangements between countries in order to govern internationally on the one hand, and a lack of democratic control over the decisions taken by multilateral organisations or conferences on the other. Multilateralism in the modern sense refers to an international mode of operation involving peaceful negotiations and diplomacy, also referred to as a ‘rules-based international order’ or ‘rules-based multilateralism’. Several European countries have recently launched initiatives in support of multilateralism, in reaction to the increasingly unilateral behaviour of states undermining the existing rules-based international order. Apart from the European Union, no other multilateral organisation has a parliamentary body with the competence to block or amend its decisions, which indicates that there is a democratic deficit in these multilateral organisations. An initial response to such a democratic deficit is the involvement of national parliaments in international decision-making. This is known as ‘parliamentary diplomacy’. Secondly, the involvement of civil society in international decision-making through protests, petitions, consultations or participation can also enhance democracy. Thirdly, the organisation of national referenda on international decisions can be used by national governments or citizens’ initiatives to increase democratic legitimacy. Fourthly, a lack of democracy at international level can also be countered by creating an ‘alliance of democracies’, aimed at multilateral cooperation between democratic countries rather than the democratisation of multilateral organisations. These are mostly alliances of Western countries, which risks emphasising the differences between West and East or North and South. Three short case studies of parliamentary diplomacy with the strong involvement of the European Parliament (the Parliamentary Conference on the World Trade Organization (WTO), delegations to the Conferences of Parties of climate change agreements and the NATO Parliamentary Assembly) show that enhancing multilateral democracy is not the only aim of parliamentary diplomacy and that each case reveals a different mix between the ‘parliamentary’ aspect of democratisation and the ‘diplomacy’ aspects of information exchange or influencing.

Автори : Mario DAMEN

Резюме : This in-depth analysis provides an overview of alignment of EU enlargement countries with EU sanctions against Russia due to its aggression against Ukraine. It analyses the legal and political basis for the alignment with the EU’s Common and Foreign Policy, including the restrictive measures (sanctions). Furthermore, it provides a factual account of the main steps taken by the countries covered by the EU enlargement policy in the Western Balkans and Turkey (Türkiye), coupled by a brief assessment of the main reasons for their policies. Lastly, policy options for the EU and for its parliamentary dimension are laid out.

Автори : Michal MALOVEC, IRYNA STASIUKEVYCH

Резюме : This study provides Members of the European Parliament and other interested stakeholders with an independent evaluation of the likely economic, social and environmental impacts from the 10 Flagship projects of the Economic and Investment Plan for the Western Balkans (EIP), adopted by the European Commission on 6 October 2020. On the basis of a tailor-made methodology, the EIP projects’ impact is assessed according to their relevance, effectiveness and efficiency, as well as their synergies and coherence with the wider aims of the EIP and EU enlargement policy. The study identifies the novel aspects of these Flagship projects and considers lessons learned from previous EU and international assistance. Finally, the study evaluates the projects’ overall economic, social and environmental impacts as well as their transversal implications in the Western Balkans. In the concluding section, potential obstacles to successful implementation are identified and some recommendations are proposed on ways to improve the EIP’s developmental impact, thereby ensuring effective strategic guidance and scrutiny by the European Parliament.

Автори : Will BARTLETT, Matteo BONOMI, Milica UVALIC

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : This initiative focuses specifically on the issue of economic coercion and the EU's possible response, aiming to preserve the EU's open strategic autonomy and policy-making space. The IA clearly defines the problem, its underlying causes, and the objectives to address it. The creation of a new legal instrument to deter and counteract economic coercion is the only type of option retained for analysis. This presumably follows on from the political commitment made in early 2021 (although this is not stated explicitly in the IA). This option was broken down into several policy options based on possible parameters used for the design of the instrument. The IA is substantiated by academic work, stakeholders' contributions and examples. The majority of stakeholders support a new policy instrument and their input contributed to the design of the proposed instrument. The IA focuses mostly on economic impacts, while social and environmental impacts are assessed briefly. Important benefits are expected from the instrument. Costs are expected only from its use, in particular from the application of countermeasures. The IA focuses on a qualitative assessment of impacts linked to the instrument's creation and existence, acknowledging that the impacts linked to the instrument's use are difficult to estimate at the design stage. Adequate monitoring and evaluation of the use of the instrument and of progress made against the objectives will therefore be important aspects that would have benefited from further detail in terms of indicators and provisions. The proposal generally reflects the preferred option of the IA, although some elements differ from the IA, such as the objectives and definition of economic coercion.

Автори : VERONIQUE GIRARD

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : The Southern Neighbourhood (SN) of the European Union (EU) remains in what appears to be a state of permanent turmoil. Similarly, the rift in Euro-Mediterranean relations seems to be growing, as exemplified by reactions to the Russian aggression on Ukraine across the SN region and despite a window of opportunity the pandemic offered to relaunch cooperation between both sides of the Mediterranean. The Joint Communication on a ‘Renewed partnership with the Southern Neighbourhood: a New Agenda for the Mediterranean’, released in February 2021 and endorsed by April 2021 Council conclusions, is an attempt at addressing both the above mentioned rift, and the multitude and magnitude of challenges facing societies and economies of the SN countries. The present study considers whether the Joint Communication is well-fitted to achieve these goals. Accordingly, it first undertakes an analysis of the geopolitical trends and megatrends, of the political, and socio-economic situation in the region, and the state of Euro-Mediterranean relations. Subsequently, it looks into the text of the Joint Communication and the accompanying Economic and Investment Plan, exploring their potential for launching a new phase in this relationship in the areas of green and digital transitions, promotion of ‘inclusiveness’, migration, trade, and peace and security. The study concludes that more than a year after its adoption, many question marks remain in relation to the implementation of the Joint Communication, and a truly comprehensive and strategic framework to guide the EU’s relations with its SN is still missing.

Автори : Katarzyna SIDŁO; Emmanuel COHEN-HADRIA

Резюме : There is a general perception in Western countries that the role of values as a foreign policy driver is currently on the decline. This study in the series ‘global trends in external policies’ seeks to contribute to the debate by investigating what is meant by ‘values’, whether their importance is on the wane and, if so, how this manifests itself, and how the European Union (EU) can respond to these trends. The broad concept of values has therefore been split into five categories. Socio-cultural values are implicit drivers of foreign policy. In the case of the EU, these are characterised by diversity. ‘Political values’ is used as a term to describe the fundamental principles of political and public action, defining the relationship between the state and its citizens. For the EU, these are often referred to as the triad of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Economic values characterise the nature of the prevailing economic system in a country. The EU advocates a social market economy. The term ‘Earth values’ refers to the inclusion of environmental considerations in external policies. The EU has become a leader in promoting sustainability. Resulting from the preceding four are ‘international order values’, which characterise the overall international outlook of actors. The EU’s international order value is ‘principled pragmatism’. This study compares the EU’s values with those of four reference countries: the US, Turkey, Russia and China. The US in the West comes closest to many of the EU’s values, but does not overlap completely. Turkey and Russia are in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood and increasingly disagree with the EU on values. Chinese values overlap least with the EU’s values. The study confirms a decline in the influence of the political values preferred by the EU. This decline appears to correspond to a clear West-East spectrum. However, the study also notes an opposite trend of increasing influence of Earth values. For these, a Eurocentric spectrum appears more adequate. For economic values, the definition of trends depends on benchmarks and methodology. The international order notion of ‘principled pragmatism’ has been extended to ‘EU strategic autonomy’. Values are often considered as part of EU strategic autonomy and some policies, such as EU accession or trade policy, incorporate them. A values-based approach to external policies should differentiate according to the partner country and the value category concerned. Whereas cooperation on political values does not appear to be fruitful with certain countries, continued efforts on economic or Earth values may still be possible. The study explores what such a differentiated approach could mean for the four reference countries in the near future. Such an approach should also take into account the differing perceptions of partner countries. Although positive avenues of cooperation on, for example, Earth values are still possible, geopolitical tensions, partly rooted in differing values, are overshadowing this path.

Автори : Mario DAMEN

Резюме : The economic performance of Belarus has been unimpressive ever since the fall of the Soviet Union, due mainly to the country’s lack of serious structural reforms. This study examines the consequences of this benign neglect should a democratic transition occur and attempts to understand the assistance that may be required to help Belarus successfully transform. Unlike the transformations which began in Central Europe during 1989, though, Belarus’ potential transition is complicated by immense Russian pressure. Hence, the provision of much needed assistance will be highly dependent upon Russia’s stance towards a democratic transfer of power. This study examines its possible responses to understand how the EU can best be involved in the long-delayed Belarusian transformation and also how much assistance may be required.

Автори : Christopher A. HARTWELL; Kateryna BORNUKOVA; Dzmitry KRUK; Benedikt ZOLLER-RYDZEK

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : The present impasse in EU-Turkey relations is attributed by Europeans to Turkey’s democratic backsliding and increasingly unilateral foreign policy. This, however, cannot be considered separately from the current state of institutional affairs and blurring of frameworks obstructing EU-Turkey cooperation in foreign and security policy. This study takes these elements into consideration while introducing different frameworks of Turkey-EU relations, namely Turkey as: (i) a candidate for accession; (ii) a key partner in economy and trade; as well as (ii) a strategic partner. The study then focuses on the overall dynamics of Turkish foreign policy-making, its relations with historical allies and approach to theatres of power in its neighbourhood. To understand better the consequences of Turkish policies for European security, the study assesses the country’s key recent foreign policy principles, such as the ‘strategic-depth doctrine’ and the ‘blue homeland doctrine’ as well as the situation in three Mediterranean hotspots. A short evaluation of the presidential system’s impact on foreign policy and the country’s relations with the United States are also included. The analysis ends with an overlook to the future and policy recommendations for decision-makers in Europe.

Автори : Ilke TOYGÜR; Funda TEKIN; Eduard SOLER i LECHA; Nicholas DANFORTH

Резюме : On 28 June 2019, the European Union and Mercosur reached a political agreement to establish an interregional trade agreement as ‘part of a wider Association Agreement between the two regions’. The European Commission and Mercosur member states went on to publish a summary of the negotiating results, while both sides started the process of legal revision. Meanwhile, the European External Action Service and Mercosur representatives were negotiating the political dialogue and cooperation part of the Association Agreement, which was completed one year later, on 18 June 2020, and has not been published. The present report is about the latter document, to which the author has been granted confidential access: it scrutinises its content, compares it to previous and similar agreements, analyses its prospects of ratification and impact – with a special focus on Brazil – and assesses its potential to cement a meaningful EU-Mercosur strategic partnership. The study is enriched by direct, off-the-record interviews as well as public documents and analyses. Its originality resides in the consideration of informal practices, besides and beyond formal frameworks, to estimate the odds of ratification and implementation of the agreement.

Автори : Andres Malamud

Резюме : The purpose of this study is to support the European Parliament (EP), in particular its standing delegations, in implementing the commitment made in the EP resolution of 23 October 2020 on gender equality in EU foreign and security policy. Based on desk research as well as quantitative and qualitative empirical analysis, the study describes the existing EP practices of gender equality promotion, analyses whether the current practices deliver on the commitment, and presents what can be learned both from the bottlenecks identified in the EP’s existing institutional arrangements and from the practices of other national parliaments and international parliamentary institutions. The study concludes that while the EP is highly advanced when it comes to gender mainstreaming in external relations, there are a number of aspects that need improvement or fine-tuning. To facilitate the implementation of the overarching EP gender action plan, the study provides a set of policy recommendations aimed at increasing the effectiveness of gender equality promotion through parliamentary diplomacy. The recommendations comprise proposals to strengthen the institutional framework, clarify the roles of gender focal points, increase access to gender-specific information and training, maximise the use of interparliamentary meetings and DEG activities for gender mainstreaming abroad, streamline the links with civil society and other external stakeholders, and improve the gender dimension of oversight over EP external relations.

Автори : Davor JANCIC; Małgorzata DRUCIAREK, Aleksandra NIZYNSKA; Veronika KUBEKOVÁ, Roland BLOMEYER

Резюме : Since the European Parliament issued its resolution on climate diplomacy in June 2018, several important trends have been shaping this area of the EU’s external action, enabling progress and posing new challenges. The EU started its comprehensive low-emission transformation with the Green Deal, established a progressive policy framework for sustainable finance and had to cope with the impacts of the pandemic in a way that is compatible with its transformative ambition. At the same time, its role on the international stage has evolved substantially, and sustainability has been playing an ever-stronger role across its external relations. Against the backdrop of these developments, this study assesses the progress of climate diplomacy since 2018, with a focus on climate security, trade, development cooperation, sustainable capital flows, gender equality and science, research and innovation. Based on this assessment, it outlines the tasks for a European climate diplomacy of the future and highlights the role of the European Parliament in shaping this policy field.

Автори : Dennis TÄNZLER; Daria IVLEVA; Tobias HAUSOTTER

Резюме : The notion of European ‘strategic sovereignty’ is increasingly important in debates about the European Union. Given rapidly shifting global geopolitical and technology trends, and the seeming fragmentation of the multilateral order, the EU is being forced to confront its own position in international affairs. A number of concepts have been given life because of the deteriorating international scene including “European sovereignty”, “strategic autonomy”, “digital sovereignty”, “technological sovereignty” and “open strategic autonomy”. However defined, there is a need to move beyond concepts and focus on the nature of economic interdependence, multilateralism and strategic partnerships. This online workshop, requested by the European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, zoomed in on each of these elements with case studies that centre on semiconductors, the Iran nuclear deal and EU security and defence.

Автори : Daniel FIOTT;Niclas POITIERS;Pauline WEIL;Guntram WOLFF;Jana PUGLIERIN;Riccardo ALCARO

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : Disinformation is an endemic and ubiquitous part of politics throughout the Western Balkans, without exception. A mapping of the disinformation and counter-disinformation landscapes in the region in the period from 2018 through 2020 reveals three key disinformation challenges: external challenges to EU credibility; disinformation related to the COVID-19 pandemic; and the impact of disinformation on elections and referenda. While foreign actors feature prominently – chiefly Russia, but also China, Turkey, and other countries in and near the region – the bulk of disinformation in the Western Balkans is produced and disseminated by domestic actors for domestic purposes. Further, disinformation (and information disorder more broadly) is a symptom of social and political disorder, rather than the cause. As a result, the European Union should focus on the role that it can play in bolstering the quality of democracy and governance in the Western Balkans, as the most powerful potential bulwark against disinformation.

Автори : Samuel GREENE, Gregory ASMOLOV, Adam FAGAN, Ofer FRIDMAN, Borjan GJUZELOV

Резюме : There is no way back for transatlantic politics; in recent years it has suffered severe setbacks that cannot be undone. Although the Biden win promises opportunities for EU-US cooperation, the EU’s drive for strategic autonomy will not stop here. It is high time to look afresh at the very foundations of the transatlantic partnership, in light of not only the politics of today, but also the structural trends in the global balance of power and the lasting institutional ties between the two continents. Above all, the transatlantic future needs a stronger EU. For this to happen, the following issues should be given priority: i) dealing with an increasingly assertive China; ii) gaining more from transatlantic trade relations; iii) safeguarding the benefits of NATO and multilateral institutions like the WTO; iv) battling disinformation and other hybrid threats; and v) reinvigorating cooperation over climate change and global health. Because understanding of and trust in US intelligence and foreign policy positions has been eroded, a ‘thickening’ of transatlantic dialogue structures, including among elected representatives, should be pursued. This could include staff exchanges, track-two dialogues with think tanks and civil society, and an increased frequency of the Transatlantic Legislators Dialogue, possibly supplemented with more subordinate bodies on specific issues, such as dealing with China.

Автори : Louise VAN SCHAIK, Ties DAMS

Резюме : The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), spearheaded by the European Union (EU), was a successful multilateral non-proliferation agreement. The hope was that it would also pave the way for dealing with other outstanding issues over which the EU and United States (US) were at loggerheads with Iran. Instead, with the election of President Trump, the main focus has been to save the JCPOA. As Iran has decreased its compliance with the deal and regional friction has intensified, particularly as a result of the US maximum pressure campaign, the EU has faced increasing challenges to maintain a working relationship with Tehran and to pursue its strategic objectives on Iran – a tall order even in more conducive circumstances. While the outcome of the US presidential elections in November 2020 will affect developments thereafter, the EU should shape its policy independent of a rturn to constructive multilateralism in Washington. It must further develop its strategic autonomy, enhance and expand its interaction with Tehran to ensure the JCPOA’s survival, while also taking a more proactive role in mitigating and mediating conflicts in the region.

Автори : Rouzbeh PARSI, Aniseh BASSIRI TABRIZI

Резюме : This document provides links to all Briefings produced by the Policy Departments of the Directorate-General for Internal Policies and of the Directorate-General for External Policies of the European Parliament, with salient points and essential commitments made by the Vice-Presidents and Commissioners-designates at their respective hearings before the European Parliament, in September-November 2019 and in October 2020. For an exhaustive list of all commitments made and positions taken by the candidates, the full verbatim report of each public hearing is available on the dedicated hearings website of the European Parliament, as are the written questions and answers.

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : The Commission Executive Vice-President/Commissioner-designate, Valdis Dombrovskis, appeared before the European Parliament on 02 October 2020 to answer questions put by MEPs from the Committee on International Trade, in association with the Committees on Foreign Affairs, on Economic and Monetary Affairs, on Development and on Budgets. During the hearing, he made a number of commitments which are highlighted in this document. These commitments refer to his portfolio as Trade Commissioner, as described in the mission letter sent to him by Ursula von der Leyen, President-elect of the European Commission, including: - A level playing field for all; - Strengthening Europe’s global leadership; - Trade for sustainable development and climate action

Автори : Mario DAMEN, WOLFGANG IGLER

Резюме : Since the Coronavirus began its spread across the world, many analysts have speculated about its impact: would it merely accelerate previously-existing trends, or would it prove to be a geopolitical ‘game-changer’, creating a world profoundly different than before? The answer is much more complex than either or: the world during and after COVID-19 will have elements of both, the old and the new, the known and the unknown. This study explores both dimensions of the pandemic’s impact: how does it affect the geopolitical context it erupted into, and what possibility space does it open up? The first section assesses the geopolitical trends antedating the pandemic and measures its present and expected impact on them, while the second section lays out the space for action and change created by the disruption. In the third section, the interplay of trends and uncertainties is explored in three scenarios set in 2025: Strategic Distancing; Europe in Self-isolation; and Lockdown World. The study finds that European foreign policy is entering an era of re-definition in which the European Parliament should play a crucial role. This means outlining the elements of strategic autonomy, but also streamlining them with each other. As such, classical foreign policy needs to join forces with other policy areas such as environmental and technological matters, trade, strategic communication – and of course, health. In that sense alone, the pandemic is already proving to be a game-changer.

Автори : Florence GAUB, Lotje BOSWINKEL; EUISS

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : The EU is currently working towards updating its Arctic policy. It needs to respond to two major changes that affect the region and pose challenges to the role of the EU in the Arctic; accelerated climate change and increased geoeconomic and geopolitical competition. The EU finds itself in a rather unique position. As a supranational institution with competences in parts of the Arctic, and with Member States having territories in the region, as well as institutionalised linkages with Arctic countries Iceland and Norway — with whom the EU shares the European Economic Area (EEA) — it needs to balance sectoral policies, priority areas and addressing different Arctics. The EU should therefore create ‘more EU in the Arctic’ by broadening the scope of its existing Arctic policy, as well as incorporating ‘more Arctic in the EU’ by stipulating that the Arctic becomes a cross-cutting consideration in other relevant EU policies. In addition, the EU will need to address hard and soft security issues within existing functional, regional and global frameworks and continue engaging in dialogue and confidence-building measures with Russia. Finally, a revised EU Arctic policy needs to be proactive and ambitious, based on existing strengths and expertise within the EU. At the same time, in an Arctic that witnesses the return of geopolitics, the ‘civilian power’ EU will encounter challenges assuming its role in the region. How it narrates its future position in the Arctic will play a tangible role in negotiating this position politically.

Автори : Dr. Petra Dolata, University of Calgary

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : The new EU-Africa Strategy presented by the Commission on 9 March puts a reinforced emphasis on the creation of a real partnership with a continent whose relevance for Europe is growing by the day. The three briefings focus on different aspects of this new partnership, the first one dealing with the implications for the political dialogue with a focus on (good) governance and the even bigger challenge of security and migration. The second briefing has a look at more ‘traditional’ aspects of this relationship, development and humanitarian aid, complemented with the rising challenge of climate change. The new approach is also illustrated by the emphasis put on the promotion of bilateral trade and investment relations, the topic of the third briefing. All these briefings also try to incorporate first elements on the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the bilateral relationship.

Автори : Morten BØÅS, Ondřej HORKÝ-HLUCHÁŇ,Ainhoa MARIN-EGOSCOZABAL

Резюме : Much has changed since the creation of the Joint Africa-European Union (EU) Strategy in 2007. The developing world has been changing fast. Development policy and practices are also transforming, albeit at a slower pace. The divide between emerging economies and ‘fragile states’ is increasing. This is also the case in Africa. As not only Africa, but also the EU-Africa relationship is changing and evolving into new dimensions, there is clearly a need to develop a new European strategy, constructed on the basis of an emerging continent. Africa is home to the youngest population in the world and some of the world’s most fragile states. However, it is also a continent with emerging markets and more effective governments. This brief aims to clarify how well the new Strategy must manage to mainstream a European approach to Africa that considers both the inter-continental dialogue and the diversity of development on this emerging continent within the fields of governance, security and migration. As the COVID-19 has turned into a pandemic, the brief also suggests that the new European strategy must reflect this development and the European Parliament should closely monitor the situation as it discusses the Strategy.

Автори : Morten BØÅS

Резюме : The new EU Strategy for Africa attempts to reflect the continent’s growing relevance within a partnership rather than through a donor-recipient framework. However, this leads to a prioritisation of the formal, productive and technology sectors as well as climate mitigation at the expense of agriculture, informal sector, human development and climate adaptation. With such skewed priorities, this Strategy is ill-adapted for the COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath. Institutionally, political will is needed to ensure that the continent-to-continent approach is not hampered by parallel, contradictory and fragmenting forces within the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) governance frameworks. Financially, mutual accountability must be strengthened by joint funding of joint actions. An inclusive institutional mechanism is also needed to promote political and civil society participation as well as policy coherence for sustainable development beyond migration and climate. More generally, the Strategy advances a government-to-government type of partnership at the expense of a more people-centred approach that is more in line with the ‘principled pragmatism’ of the EU.

Автори : Ondřej HORKÝ-HLUCHÁŇ

Резюме : The new European Commission (EC) is putting EU-African relations to the fore. A Joint Communication of the EC towards a comprehensive Strategy with Africa stresses the African Continent’s strategic importance and the EU’s need to strengthen its partnership with (and not for) Africa. Proposals in the Joint Communication maintain promotion of sustainable investments with Africa on top of the EU’s agenda. Partnership with Africa to attract investors and boost regional as well as continental integration are specific actions aimed to attain sustainable growth and jobs in African countries. This emphasis is not new, being in line with a geopolitically oriented Commission and the European Union’s (EU) trend of shifting from a Donor-recipient model to a relationship based on mutual cooperation, pursuing common interests and mutual benefits. As the COVID-19 pandemic takes hold in Africa during 2020, it is becoming more urgent that EU and African relations post COVID-19 be tailored to a new scenario and show tangible action using partnership rhetoric.

Автори : Ainhoa MARIN-EGOSCOZABAL

Резюме : International trade has a direct impact on EU biodiversity, imported invasive species and pathogens, being an example. Trade also impacts global biodiversity, for instance through the 'virtual' water, land, and deforestation contained in EU imports. Economic theory shows that trade with countries that fail to protect a renewable resource can be detrimental for all. Protecting global biodiversity calls for a variety of instruments, at the EU border as well as in the provisions of preferential agreements. The EU already includes biodiversity-related non-trade provisions in trade agreements, but these provisions are not legally binding and hardly effective. This is partly explained by the complexity of the issues posed by biodiversity: since there is no simple synthetic indicator, policy instruments are difficult to enforce. However, an effort to specify measurable and verifiable commitments is needed; more binding mechanisms, along with transparent and automatic sanctions in case of non-compliance should be considered.

Автори : Cecilia BELLORA (CEPII, France), Jean-Christophe BUREAU (AgroParisTech, France), Basak BAYRAMOGLU (INRAE, France), Estelle GOZLAN (INRAE, France), Sébastien JEAN (CEPII and INRAE, Paris)

Резюме : In the course of the past two and a half years, the European Parliament, the European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the Council of Ministers have presented strategic documents on the EU's relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) and the direction they should take in the coming years. This in-depth analysis aims to present the main points of view of the three EU institutions and the Member States on the future of EU-LAC relations. Its second half includes a critical assessment of some aspects of the bi-regional relationship as it has developed in recent years, particularly the institutional links and trade issues, and the challenges it may face in the coming years. Here, the focus is on the political divisions in the LAC region, the uncertainty about regional cooperation and integration and the possible challenges to multilateral policies.

Автори : Jesper TVEVAD

Резюме : The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

Резюме : Настоящият документ е компилация от открояващи се аспекти и основни ангажименти, поети от кандидатите за заместник-председатели и за членове на Комисията по време на съответните им изслушвания пред Европейския парламент. Той има за цел да Ви предостави практически и кратък инструмент за проследяване на усилията и действията на бъдещата Комисия. За изчерпателен списък на всички поети ангажименти и позиции на кандидатите на разположение на специалния уебсайт за изслушванията от 2019 г. на Европейския парламент са пълният стенографски протокол от всяко публично изслушване, както и въпросите с искане за писмен отговор и техните отговори. Настоящият документ включва добавка, съдържаща ангажиментите, поети по време на изслушванията от октомври 2020 г.

Резюме : The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy / Vice-President designate of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, appeared before the European Parliament on 7 October 2019 to answer MEPs’ questions. During the hearing, he made a number of commitments which are highlighted in this document.

Автори : Marika LERCH, Jesper TVEVAD, Jérôme LEGRAND

Резюме : Commissioner-designate Olivér Várhelyi appeared before the European Parliament on 14 November 2019 to answer questions from MEPs in the Committee on Foreign Affairs (the Committee on International Trade was invited). This document highlights a number of commitments which he made during the hearing. They refer to his portfolio, as described in the mission letter sent to him by Ursula von der Leyen, President-elect of the European Commission, including: Western Balkans and Turkey; Eastern Neighbourhood; Southern Neighbourhood.

Автори : André DE MUNTER, MICHAL JIRACEK, Kirsten JONGBERG

Резюме : The Mekong River is a vital source of livelihoods and economic activity in continental South-East Asia and extends from the Tibetan Plateau to the South China Sea. Its length is 4 800 km. More than half circulates in China, but its channel runs through Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam. The Mekong has the world's largest inland freshwater fishery industry, vital to the region's food security, representing around USD 3 000 million per year. Its unique and rich biological habitat provides diverse livelihoods as well as four fifths of the animal protein for more than 60 million people. At the level of biodiversity, the importance of this river for global nature is vital. The Mekong region is extremely vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and to the degradation of ecosystems. The uncontrolled growth of the population both in China and in Southeast Asia is exerting unsustainable pressure on the Mekong in terms of a massive exploitation of all kinds of resources linked to the River: water, food, wood, energy, especially recent infrastructure and hydropower development, together with deforestation, illegal wildlife trade and habitat fragmentation. Water scarcity leads to reduced agricultural productivity, unemployment and poverty Four countries (Cambodia, Lao PDR, Thailand, and Vietnam) formed an intergovernmental agency in 1950, The Mekong River Commission (MRC), to defend the sustainable development of the Mekong River and to plan its future. The absence of China and Myanmar mitigates and erodes the effective dialogue of the MRC on the management of the River. The lack of implementing mechanisms denatures the organization itself..

Автори : Jorge SOUTULLO SANCHEZ